History and context of the legislative elections held in Portugal, starting from the Constituent Assembly in 1975, including the results by party in percentage and number of seats.
1975: The first “free and fair” elections in full revolution
These were the first free elections after April 25, marking a participation record (92%) with long queues of people voting across the country.
A year after the coup that overthrew the dictatorship and transformed into the “Carnation Revolution,” the military of the Armed Forces Movement (MFA), which toppled Marcelo Caetano’s government with the promise of democratization and free elections, played a predominant role in the country.
That year, between the coup and the elections for the parliament that drafted the Constitution, Portugal was buzzing with political activity, with street demonstrations advocating for freedoms, against fascism and the colonial war. Many parties were created, skewing more to the left than to the right.
In this extreme political environment, allied countries feared a leftward shift in Portugal, but the results gave victory to the so-called moderate forces: PS and PPD (now PSD), together garnering over 50% of the votes, while the PCP remained at 12%.
The elections for the Constituent Assembly marked a victory for the PS, led by Mário Soares (37.87%), ahead of the PPD, now known as PSD, founded by Francisco Sá Carneiro, which secured 26.39% of the votes.
On the left, the PCP, led by historical communist leader Álvaro Cunhal, received 12.46% of the votes, and the UDP secured one deputy with 0.79%. The CDS was the right-most party to elect deputies, with 7.6% of the votes.
April 25, 1975 – Elections for the Constituent Assembly
Party – Votes – % – Deputies
PS: 2,162,972 (37.87%) 116
PPD: 1,507,282 (26.39%) 81
PCP: 711,935 (12.46%) 30
CDS: 434,879 (7.61%) 16
MDP: 236,318 (4.14%) 5
FSP: 66,307 (1.16%) 0
MES: 58,248 (1.02%) 0
UDP: 44,877 (0.79%) 1
FEC: 33,185 (0.58%) 0
PPM: 32,526 (0.57%) 0
PUP: 13,138 (0.23%) 0
LCI: 10,835 (0.19%) 0
ADIM: 1,622 (0.03%) 1
CDM: 1,030 (0.02%) 0
Abstention: 8.34%
1976: The first elections for the Assembly of the Republic
After the Constitution was approved, elections for the Assembly of the Republic were held again on April 25, but in 1976. Key political figures at this moment include Mário Soares (PS), Sá Carneiro (PSD), Amaro da Costa (CDS), and Álvaro Cunhal (PCP).
With the revolutionary process surpassed after November 25, 1975, characterized by tensions and attacks on leftist party headquarters, there was a sort of “hangover.” Early 1976 was marked by rising unemployment, declining productivity, and stagnant wages.
The election campaign focused on two main issues – economic problems and political alternatives. The historical “slogan” “Overcome the crisis” from the PS, which won the elections with more than a ten-point lead over the PPD, also stands out.
Despite their rivalry, socialists and social democrats shared a common goal of isolating the PCP, which emphasized attacking government policies, for which the parties of Soares and Sá Carneiro were jointly responsible.
A noteworthy aspect of these elections was the legalization of two parties, PDC and PPM, increasing the electoral offer to the right, with the CDS more than doubling its vote count compared to 1975.
April 25, 1976 – Elections for the Assembly of the Republic
Party Votes % Deputies
PS: 1,912,921 (34.89%) 107
PPD: 1,335,381 (24.35%) 73
CDS: 876,007 (15.98%) 42
PCP: 788,830 (14.39%) 40
UDP: 91,690 (1.67%) 1
FSP: 42,162 (0.77%) 0
MRPP: 36,200 (0.66%) 0
MES: 31,332 (0.57%) 0
PDC: 29,874 (0.54%) 0
PPM: 28,320 (0.52%) 0
LCI: 16,269 (0.30%) 0
PCP (ML): 15,830 (0.29%) 0
AOC: 15,778 (0.29%) 0
PRT: 5,171 (0.09%) 0
Abstention: 16.47%
1979: The democratic right comes to power with the AD
After years in power, Mário Soares’ PS lost the elections, and the center-right, PSD, CDS, and PPM, with the Democratic Alliance (AD), came to power in democratic Portugal during the interim elections, achieving an absolute majority (42.5%).
From 1976 to 1979, Portuguese political life was tumultuous, with the fall of Soares’ second government, the PS, and the formation of presidential initiative governments led by Nobre da Costa, Mota Pinto, and Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo, the first and only woman to head a government in Portugal to date.
Socially, the main formations—PS, APU (the first alliance led by the PCP), and AD (with PSD, CDS, PPM, and reformists)—centered their primary promises on resolving key issues: inflation, cost of living, and unemployment.
Politically, the battle also revolved around institutional issues, such as state control of the economy or the existence of a Revolutionary Council, still stemming from the “Carnation Revolution.”
During the campaign, the AD attempted to associate the PS with the PCP, asserting that, to govern, the socialists would need communist support and accept Álvaro Cunhal’s conditions: “Today, voting for the PS is practically the same as voting for the PC.”
December 2, 1979 – Interim Elections
Party Votes % Deputies
AD: 2,554,458 (42.52%) 121
PS: 1,642,136 (27.33%) 74
APU: 1,129,322 (18.80%) 47
PSD: 141,227 (2.35%) 7
UDP: 130,842 (2.18%) 1
PDC: 72,514 (1.21%) 0
PCTP/MRPP: 53,268 (0.89%) 0
UEDS: 43,325 (0.72%) 0
PSR: 36,978 (0.62%) 0
CDS: 23,523 (0.39%) 0
POUS: 12,713 (0.21%) 0
OCMLP: 3,433 (0.06%) 0
Abstention: 17.13%
1980: The reinforcing elections for the Democratic Alliance
Separated by three months, these legislative elections were marked by the proximity of the presidential elections in December and the effects of the AD’s victory the previous year. At the polls, the Democratic Alliance, led by Sá Carneiro and Amaro da Costa, managed to reinforce its vote count with rhetoric centered on attacks against the Revolutionary Council, formed during the revolutionary period, the President of the Republic, Ramalho Eanes, and against the socialists and communists.
The campaign themes remained, such as institutional conflict with the President, the need for constitutional revision and political stability, along with economic and social issues.
Mário Soares’ PS formed the Republican and Socialist Front (FRS) with the Independent Social Democratic Action (ASDI), led by Sousa Franco, and the Union of the Left for Socialist Democracy (UEDS), led by António Lopes Cardoso, presenting itself as the only alternative to AD but was, again, defeated at the polls, despite recovering some electoral support.
Politically, these elections paved the way for constitutional reform, in AD-PS agreement, for the extinction of the Revolutionary Council.
With the deaths of Sá Carneiro and Amaro da Costa in a plane crash in December 1980, two more AD governments followed, led by Francisco Pinto Balsemão, which experienced some turbulence and led to the fall of the first executive.
October 5, 1980
Party Votes % Deputies
AD: 2,706,667 (44.91%) 126
FRS: 1,606,198 (26.65%) 71
APU: 1,009,505 (16.75%) 41
PPD/PSD: 147,644 (2.45%) 8
UDP: 83,204 (1.38%) 1
POUS/PST: 83,095 (1.38%) 0
PS: 67,081 (1.11%) 3
PSR: 60,496 (1.00%) 0
PT: 39,408 (0.65%) 0
PCTP/MRPP: 35,409 (0.59%) 0
PDC-MIRN/PDP-FN: 23,819 (0.40%) 0
CDS: 13,765 (0.23%) 0
UDA/PDA: 8,529 (0.14%) 0
OCMLP: 3,913 (0.06%) 0
Abstention: 16.06%
1983: The elections of the Central Bloc, crisis, and Europe
The legislative elections, won by the socialists led by Mário Soares, paved the way for the first unprecedented agreement between the two largest parties, the PS and PSD, presided over by Carlos da Mota Pinto, which went down in history as the Central Bloc.
The country’s context remained one of crisis, leading to another IMF intervention in 1983, the second after 1978.
Portugal was living one of its worst periods, immortalized in the following years by protests and black flags of hunger in the Setúbal district, while waiting for the formalization of Portugal’s entry into the then EEC, which would materialize in 1986.
Mário Soares became the prime minister, and Mota Pinto the government’s “number two.”
Two curiosities: for the first time in a more systematic manner, parties experimented with a greater focus on their leaders’ images in campaign materials, opting for simpler and more appealing messages instead of ideology, and the publication of polls in the media was prohibited, unlike today, in the pre-election phase.
April 25, 1983
Party Votes % Deputies
PS: 2,061,309 (36.11%) 101
PPD/PSD: 1,554,804 (27.24%) 75
APU: 1,031,609 (18.07%) 44
CDS: 716,705 (12.56%) 30
PDC: 39,180 (0.69%) 0
PPM: 27,635 (0.48%) 0
UDP: 27,260 (0.48%) 0
UDP-PSR: 25,222 (0.44%) 0
PCTP/MRPP: 20,995 (0.37%) 0
POUS: 19,657 (0.34%) 0
PSR: 13,327 (0.23%) 0
LST: 11,500 (0.20%) 0
OCMLP: 6,113 (0.11%) 0
PDA: 5,523 (0.10%) 0
Abstention: 22.21%
1985: The elections of PRD and the first PSD majority with Cavaco
The Central Bloc government lasted less than three years due to the crisis but didn’t survive the leadership change in the PSD, which elected Cavaco Silva to replace the late Carlos da Mota Pinto.
Cavaco, former Finance Minister under Sá Carneiro, was elected on a platform contesting the PS and the Central Bloc government solution, which had already caused instability in the executive, leading to its fall by the decision of President Ramalho Eanes.
The PS nominated Almeida Santos as its candidate for prime minister in the legislative elections, while Mário Soares remained the party’s secretary-general. This campaign is known for the socialist poster featuring Almeida Santos with the phrases “What I promise, I do” and “43% to govern Portugal.”
On the opposite side were the PSD and Cavaco Silva, who appeared on a poster with the phrase “Vote Cavaco Silva – competence to fulfill.”
For the first time on the ballot papers, the Democratic Renewal Party (PRD) appeared, the Eanes-inspired party, shortly before leaving the Palácio de Belém.
On election night, the results revealed an electoral “earthquake”: the PSD under Cavaco won with a relative majority, the PS with Almeida Santos came second, but more than 12 percentage points behind, and the PRD led by Hermínio Martinho debuted with nearly 18% and 45 deputies.
Cavaco’s government, the first single-party PSD government, lasted two years until another crisis, when the presidency was already occupied by Mário Soares.
October 6, 1985
Party Votes % Deputies
PPD/PSD: 1,732,288 (29.87%) 88
PS: 1,204,321 (20.77%) 57
PRD: 1,038,893 (17.92%) 45
APU: 898,281 (15.49%) 38
CDS: 577,580 (9.96%) 22
UDP: 73,401 (1.27%) 0
PDC: 41,831 (0.72%) 0
PSR: 35,238 (0.61%) 0
PCTP/MRPP: 19,943 (0.34%) 0
POUS: 19,085 (0.33%) 0
PC(R): 12,749 (0.22%) 0
Abstention: 25.84%
1987: The first absolute majority in democracy was from the PSD
In an electoral system designed not to facilitate absolute majorities, the PSD achieved the first in the history of Portuguese democracy in July 1987.
A crisis opened by a parliamentary delegation’s visit to Estonia, in the USSR, which the Ministry of Foreign Affairs neither knew of nor approved, contradicting the NATO countries’ practice of visiting these Baltic republics aspiring for independence, preceded this.
In this political storm, the PRD introduced a motion of censure, which passed. Although the renovators advocated forming a government within the same parliament with socialist support, the PS leader and founder opted differently and called for early elections.
The political and economic climate of the 1987 elections was drastically different from that of 1985. The country had already joined the EEC, recording economic growth rates of nearly 3%, with declining inflation and unemployment rates.
After a campaign where publishing polls remained illegal, Cavaco managed to secure 50% of the votes, and the PS fell to 22%, less than half the social democrats. The PRD was another major loser, with the PCP running under the CDU coalition becoming the third political force. Another notable loser was the CDS, which only elected four deputies. That period is still remembered as the time when the CDS had the “taxi” parliamentary group.
July 19, 1987
Party Votes % Deputies
PPD/PSD: 2,850,784 (50.22%) 148
PS: 1,262,506 (22.24%) 60
CDU: 689,137 (12.14%) 31
PRD: 278,561 (4.91%) 7
CDS: 251,987 (4.44%) 4
UDP: 50,717 (0.89%) 0
PSR: 32,977 (0.58%) 0
MDP/CDE: 32,607 (0.57%) 0
PDC: 31,667 (0.56%) 0
PPM: 23,218 (0.41%) 0
PCTP/MRPP: 20,800 (0.37%) 0
PC(R): 18,544 (0.33%) 0
POUS: 9,185 (0.16%) 0
Abstention: 28.43%
1991: “Orange” majority again
These elections confirmed PSD’s and Cavaco Silva’s dominance after a full legislature of “peaceful cohabitation” between Cavaco and Soares, accompanied by a constitutional revision that reduced the number of deputies to 230, twenty fewer than before.
The opposition parties changed leadership: Jorge Sampaio now led the PS, Pedro Canavarro headed the PRD, and Freitas do Amaral replaced Lucas Pires at the CDS. In the PCP, under Álvaro Cunhal’s leadership, Carlos Carvalhas gained prominence amidst an unfavorable situation for the communists due to the Soviet Union’s collapse.
The economic situation remained favorable for both the country and the PSD, which plastered the country with posters featuring the slogan “Portugal on the right track” or “Stability and confidence,” contrasting with the political instability before the 1985 elections.
These legislative elections also marked the election of Manuel Sérgio from the PSN, the party of retirees, and to the left, the PSR almost elected a deputy (Francisco Louçã) in Lisbon.
Under Jorge Sampaio, the PS gained electorally, but remained 20 percentage points behind the PSD, while the CDS continued with 4%.
October 6, 1991
Party Votes % Deputies
PPD/PSD: 2,902,351 (50.60%) 135
PS: 1,670,758 (29.13%) 72
PCP-PEV: 504,583 (8.80%) 17
CDS: 254,317 (4.43%) 5
PSN: 96,096 (1.68%) 1
PSR: 64,159 (1.12%) 0
PCTP/MRPP: 48,542 (0.85%) 0
PRD: 35,077 (0.61%) 0
PPM: 25,216 (0.44%) 0
PDA: 10,842 (0.19%) 0
FER: 6,661 (0.12%) 0
UDP: 6,157 (0.11%) 0
Abstention: 32.22%
1995: The end of “Cavaquismo” and the “new majority” of PS under Guterres
After a decade in government, Cavaco Silva left São Bento, “making way” for António Guterres of the PS, who had been left “in shock” four years earlier with Jorge Sampaio’s defeat. Months later, he succeeded him as the leader of the socialists.
With the PSD in decline, Manuel Monteiro positioned the CDS clearly to the right, attempting to capture a conservative electorate and adopting a eurosceptic stance.
On the left, Guterres gradually built a moderate leader image since 1992 while adopting a strategy of opening the PS to civil society through the so-called “general states for the new majority.” Favored in the polls, the electoral result wasn’t enough to secure an absolute majority.
The PSD advanced Fernando Nogueira, Cavaco’s “number two,” who lost the elections and withdrew from politics.
Further to the right, the CDS under Manuel Monteiro doubled its votes, electing 15 deputies.
Meanwhile, the CDU, with the PCP led by Carlos Carvalhas, managed to stabilize communist voting, securing 15 deputies.
October 1, 1995
Party Votes % Deputies
PS: 2,583,775 (43.76%) 112
PPD/PSD: 2,014,589 (34.12%) 88
CDS-PP: 534,470 (9.05%) 15
PCP-PEV: 506,157 (8.57%) 15
PCTP/MRPP: 41,137 (0.70%) 0
PSR: 37,638 (0.64%) 0
UDP: 33,876 (0.57%) 0
PSN: 12,613 (0.21%) 0
PG: 8,279 (0.14%) 0
MPT: 8,235 (0.14%) 0
PPM-MPT: 5,932 (0.10%) 0
MUT: 2,544 (0.04%) 0
PDA: 2,536 (0.04%) 0
Abstention: 33.70%
1999: PS without absolute majority and the emergence of the Bloc
Despite cautiously avoiding an explicit call for an absolute majority, the PS fell one deputy short of the goal. This resulted in the famous 115-115 tie between the socialist bench and the opposition in the Assembly of the Republic.
The economic context was positive, with preparations for the country’s entry into the single currency, although the PS and Guterres suffered two defeats in referenda on abortion and regionalization, which faced clear opposition from the right and the PSD, then led by Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa, now President of the Republic.
The campaign unfolded in an atypical atmosphere, with the East Timor crisis in the background, ending with the death of fado singer Amália Rodrigues, which temporarily halted the campaign.
In the meantime, the PSD had changed leadership; Durão Barroso succeeded Marcelo, who resigned due to a failed alliance with the CDS, now headed by Paulo Portas.
On the left, the PCP with the CDU became the third political force, strengthening its number of deputies, yet there was still electoral space for the emergence of a new parliamentary force: the Left Bloc, which elected two deputies (Francisco Louçã and Luís Fazendas).
October 10, 1999
Party Votes % Deputies
PS: 2,385,922 (44.06%) 115
PPD/PSD: 1,750,158 (32.32%) 81
PCP-PEV: 487,058 (8.99%) 17
CDS-PP: 451,643 (8.34%) 15
B.E.: 132,333 (2.44%) 2
PCTP/MRPP: 40,006 (0.74%) 0
MPT: 19,938 (0.37%) 0
PPM: 16,522 (0.31%) 0
PSN: 11,488 (0.21%) 0
P.H.: 7,346 (0.14%) 0
POUS: 4,104 (0.08%) 0
PDA: 438 (0.01%) 0
Abstention: 38.91%
2002: The return of the right-wing coalition to power
Prime Minister António Guterres resigned after the PS’s defeat in the municipal elections, to avoid “the swamp” in Portuguese politics, paving the way for early elections amid worsening economic conditions, with rising inflation and unemployment.
Ferro Rodrigues, Guterres’ Minister of Solidarity, took the leadership of the socialists to contest the elections. In the PSD, Durão Barroso remained at the helm, as did Paulo Portas in the CDS. On the right, relations between the two leaders were cold, leading to them running separately in the elections.
At the polls, the Portuguese gave more votes to the PSD, though without an absolute majority, leading to the formation of a coalition with Portas’ CDS, which secured an absolute majority in parliament.
The PS came second, less than three percentage points behind the PSD, a difference that allowed Ferro Rodrigues to continue heading the socialists during this period of opposition to the right-wing government.
On the left, the CDU (PCP/PEV) – with the PCP grappling with the internal “renovators” crisis – lost votes and deputies, while the Left Bloc managed to elect another MP.
This PSD-CDS government lasted about two years but didn’t survive Durão Barroso’s departure to become president of the European Commission. Pedro Santana Lopes succeeded him without going to elections, prompting President Jorge Sampaio to dissolve the government and call for elections in a tense political climate. This led to protests both against and for Santana’s continuation, organized via SMS in front of the Palácio de Belém in Lisbon.
Eight months prior, Ferro Rodrigues resigned after Sampaio agreed to a Santana Lopes-led government that didn’t result from elections, succeeded by José Sócrates, Guterres’ former Environment Minister.
March 17, 2002
Party Votes % Deputies
PPD/PSD: 2,200,765 (40.21%) 105
PS: 2,068,584 (37.79%) 96
CDS-PP: 477,350 (8.72%) 14
PCP-PEV: 379,870 (6.94%) 12
B.E.: 149,966 (2.74%) 3
PCTP/MRPP: 36,193 (0.66%) 0
MPT: 15,540 (0.28%) 0
PPM: 12,398 (0.23%) 0
PH: 11,472 (0.21%) 0
PNR: 4,712 (0.09%) 0
POUS: 4,316 (0.08%) 0
BE-UDP: 3,911 (0.07%) 0
Abstention: 38.52%
2005: The first PS absolute majority under José Sócrates
For the first time in Portuguese democratic history, the PS, led by José Sócrates, achieved an absolute majority with 45% of the votes, following a period of political instability since 2001, first with António Guterres’ resignation and then the fall of Pedro Santana Lopes’ PSD/CDS government.
Santana, PSD leader and a prime minister for eight months, ran for the general elections with a victimization strategy, openly criticizing President Sampaio’s decision to dissolve a majority parliament. However, the PPD/PSD, as he liked to call it, fell below 30%.
The economic scenario during Durão Barroso’s administration when he famously claimed to have received the country “in its underwear” after Guterres’ two terms, wasn’t favorable—with deficit and debt worsening amidst a recession.
During the campaign, Sócrates praised the PS’s competence and credibility, contrasting with Santana, whom he labeled the “champion of political instability.”
With a more dominant PS, Paulo Portas’ CDS stabilized its electorate but saw losses in votes and deputies (two).
On the left, the PCP had a new secretary-general, Jerónimo de Sousa, and the CDU gained two seats. The Bloc went from three deputies in 2002 to eight in 2005.
The 2008 economic crisis, marked by the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers, also characterized the first PS legislature, along with the recession, especially evident in 2009.
February 20, 2005
Party Votes % Deputies
PS: 2,588,312 (45.03%) 121
PPD/PSD: 1,653,425 (28.77%) 75
PCP-PEV: 433,369 (7.54%) 14
CDS-PP: 416,415 (7.24%) 12
BE: 364,971 (6.35%) 8
PCTP/MRPP: 48,186 (0.84%) 0
PND: 40,358 (0.70%) 0
PH: 17,056 (0.30%) 0
PNR: 9,374 (0.16%) 0
POUS: 5,535 (0.10%) 0
PDA: 1,618 (0.03%) 0
Abstention: 35.74%
2009: From absolute majority to PS’s minority
José Sócrates and the PS won the general elections again but lost the absolute majority secured four years earlier.
The PSD, with Manuela Ferreira Leite, came seven percentage points behind PS, while CDS and BE capitalized on discontent from the right and left. The CDU, with Jerónimo de Sousa, showed signs of voter stabilization, managing to elect one more deputy than in previous elections.
The election campaign revolved around three major topics: major public works like the TGV and Lisbon’s new airport, same-sex marriage, and taxes, alongside the financing of the welfare state. While Ferreira Leite’s PSD warned about debt levels and only promised tax cuts if public finances allowed, the PS linked tax burden to the country’s modernization.
Without an absolute majority, Sócrates attempted negotiations with parties for a governance agreement in vain.
José Sócrates’ second government lasted just over a year and a half, shaken by a severe economic and financial crisis that began in 2008 and led to the request for financial assistance from the “troika.”
September 27, 2009
Party Votes % Deputies
PS: 2,077,238 (36.56%) 97
PPD/PSD: 1,653,665 (29.11%) 81
CDS-PP: 592,778 (10.43%) 21
B.E.: 557,306 (9.81%) 16
PCP-PEV: 446,279 (7.86%) 15
PCTP/MRPP: 52,761 (0.93%) 0
MEP: 25,949 (0.46%) 0
PND: 21,876 (0.39%) 0
MMS: 16,924 (0.30%) 0
PPM: 15,262 (0.27%) 0
MPT-PH: 12,405 (0.22%) 0
P.N.R.: 11,503 (0.20%) 0
PPV: 8,461 (0.15%) 0
PTP: 4,974 (0.09%) 0
POUS: 4,632 (0.08%) 0
MPT: 3,265 (0.06%) 0
Abstention: 40.32%
2011: Elections and PSD/CDS Government amid crisis and “troika”
The legislative elections took place in June 2011 amidst a deep crisis. José Sócrates, prime minister since 2005, resigned in March after a set of austerity measures, the PEC IV, was rejected in parliament, which he still claims could have avoided external intervention. The terms of the agreement were negotiated in the pre-campaign months, in April and May, with the Government, PSD, and CDS.
In the PSD, Pedro Passos Coelho replaced Manuela Ferreira Leite as leader, and Paulo Portas remained president of the CDS. Both parties eventually signed the memorandum with the “troika”—International Monetary Fund (IMF), European Central Bank (ECB), and European Commission.
The campaign focused heavily on the exchange of accusations, particularly between the PS and PSD, regarding responsibility for the country’s financial situation, external intervention, and the type of measures adopted. Sócrates and the PS blamed the opposition for the PEC IV rejection. PSD and Passos Coelho committed to strictly enforcing the measures agreed with the “troika,” with a focus on privatizations, including healthcare, and “reforms” in labor laws.
A lúa while harsh criticisms came from left-wing parties, PCP and BE, which refused to sign the memorandum, claiming it was an undemocratic interference.
At the polls, the PS lost the elections, losing about half a million votes. Sócrates withdrew from political limelight.
The PSD won with nearly 37% of the votes and joined forces with the CDS, which improved its vote count and increased parliamentary representation, to negotiate a coalition government that lasted until 2015.
On the left, the CDU stabilized its electorate, in a scrutiny where BE lost half its parliamentary group, dropping from 16 to eight deputies, matching the 2005 result.
June 5, 2011
Party Votes % Deputies
PPD/PSD: 2,159,181 (38.66%) 108
PS: 1,566,347 (28.05%) 74
CDS-PP: 653,888 (11.71%) 24
PCP-PEV: 441,147 (7.90%) 16
BE: 288,923 (5.17%) 8
PCTP/MRPP: 62,610 (1.12%) 0
PAN: 57,995 (1.04%) 0
MPT: 22,705 (0.41%) 0
MEP: 21,942 (0.39%) 0
PNR: 17,548 (0.31%) 0
PTP: 16,895 (0.30%) 0
PPM: 14,687 (0.26%) 0
PND: 11,806 (0.21%) 0
PPV: 8,209 (0.15%) 0
POUS: 4,572 (0.08%) 0
PDA: 4,569 (0.08%) 0
P.H.: 3,588 (0.06%) 0
Abstention: 41.97%
2015: PS and Costa achieve first left-wing agreement in democracy
After four years of governance in a country under the “troika’s” intervention, the PSD and CDS coalition won the elections (36.86%), though without an absolute majority.
The PS, which finished second (32.31%), secured a left-wing agreement, the first in democracy, allowing a government led by António Costa, with support from the PCP, BE, and PEV, which formed a left-wing majority in parliament alongside the socialists.
Pedro Passos Coelho and Paulo Portas presented their government program in parliament, but it was “rejected” by the left majority which already had an agreement for the formation of a minority PS government.
After years of economic and social crisis, left-wing parties capitalized on voters’ discontent: the PCP and the Left Bloc rose in votes and the number of elected deputies.
The electoral surprise was the election of a deputy from the People-Animals-Nature party (PAN).
October 4, 2015
Party Votes % Deputies
PPD/PSD-CDS: 1,993,921 (36.86%) 102
PS: 1,747,685 (32.31%) 86
BE: 550,892 (10.19%) 19
PCP-PEV: 445,980 (8.25%) 17
PPD/PSD: 81,054 (1.50%) 5
PAN: 75,140 (1.39%) 1
PDR: 61,632 (1.14%) 0
PCTP/MRRP: 59,955 (1.11%) 0
Livre: 39,340 (0.73%) 0
PNR: 27,269 (0.50%) 0
MPT: 22,596 (0.42%) 0
NC: 21,439 (0.40%) 0
PTP-MAS: 20,749 (0.38%) 0
PPM: 14,897 (0.28%) 0
JPP: 14,285 (0.28%) 0
PURP: 13,979 (0.28%) 0
CDS: 7,536 (0.14%) 0
CDS/PPM: 3,654 (0.07%) 0
PPV/CDC: 2,659 (0.05%) 0
PTP: 1,748 (0.03%) 0
Abstention: 44.14%
2019: New left-wing majority and the arrival of the far-right
The legislative elections of October 6, 2019, resulted in a new left-wing majority, also noted for the election of a deputy from the Livre party for the first time, and the entry of a deputy from Chega into parliament, the latter associated with the far-right.
The CDS, led by Assunção Cristas, experienced one of its worst results ever, followed by her resignation.
The PSD under Rui Rio, though obtaining a poor result percentage-wise, managed to elect more deputies than Pedro Santana Lopes did in 2005.
PAN increased its elected deputies from one to four.
The PS, BE, and CDU (PCP/PEV), after forming a unique governing solution known as “the geringonça” over four years, increased their weight in parliament by about 60%, but secured fewer votes than in 2015.
October 6, 2019
Party Votes % Deputies
PS 1,908,036 (36.34) 108
PPD/PSD 1,457,704 (27.76%) 79
BE 500,017 (9.52%) 19
PCP/PEV 332,473 (6.33%) 12
CDS-PP 221,774 (4.22%) 5
PAN 174,511 (3.32%) 4
CHEGA 67,826 (1.29%) 1
IL 67,681 (1.29%) 1
LIVRE 57,172 (1.09%) 1
Aliança 40,487 (0.77%)
PCTP/MRPP 36,118 (0.69%)
RIR 35,359 (0.67%)
PNR 17,126 (0.33%)
MPT 12,952 (0.25%)
Nós, Cidadãos 12,379 (0.24%)
PDR 11,761 (0.22%)
PURP 11,491 (0.22%)
JPP 10,550 (0.20%)
PPM 8,431 (0.60%)
PTP 8,299 (0.16%)
MAS 3,331 (0.06%)
Abstention: 51.43%
2022: Absolute majority for PS, Chega’s rise, and CDS’s exit
Prompted by the rejection of the 2022 State Budget, the January 30 legislative elections changed the parliamentary landscape, granting the unexpected absolute majority to PS and positioning Chega as the third-most voted political force.
The COVID-19 pandemic constrained some traditional campaign events, yet the results remained uncertain until the day of the election.
Voters cast their ballots, with non-participants contributing to an abstention rate of 48.54%, lower than 2019 (51.43%).
In these elections, Iniciativa Liberal (IL), which was the eighth most-voted party in 2019, raising its parliamentary presence to the fourth position by securing eight deputies.
BE dropped to fifth place with five deputies, followed by the CDU which secured six seats, one more than the BE. PAN saw its parliamentary representation drop from four elected deputies in 2019 to one, while Livre maintained one deputy in parliament.
CDS-PP, along with the Ecologist Party “Os Verdes,” part of the Democratic Unity Coalition, CDU, with the PCP, were left out of the Assembly of the Republic.
January 30, 2022
Party Votes % Deputies
PS 2,302,601 (42.50%) 120
PPD/PSD 1,539,415 (28.41%) 72
CHEGA 399,659 (7.38%) 12
IL 273,687 (5.05%) 8
BE 244,603 (4.52%) 5
PCP-PEV 236,630 (4.39%) 6
CDS-PP 89,181 (1.65%)
PAN 88,152 (1.63%) 1
Livre 71,232 (1.31%) 1
PPD/PSD/CDS-PP 50,636 (0.93%) 3
PPD/PSD/CDS-PP/PPM 28,330 (0.52%) 2
RIR 23,233 (0.43%)
JPP 10,786 (0.20%)
PCTP/MRPP 11,265 (0.21%)
ADN 10,874 (0.20%)
MPT 7,641 (0.14%)
MAS 6,157 (0.11%)
Volt 6,240 (0.12%)
Ergue-te 5,043 (0.09%)
PTP 3,533 (0.07%)
NC 3,880 (0.07%)
Aliança 2,467 (0.05%)
PPM 260 (0.00%)
Abstention: 48.54%
2024: PSD narrowly wins and forms a minority government, Chega wins 50 deputies
These elections, also prompted by the resignation of the PS majority government, saw the Democratic Alliance (PSD/CDS/PPM) narrowly overtaking the PS in votes but electing 77 deputies, one less than the PS. Almost tied with the PS, the PSD/CDS-PP coalition formed a minority government. Chega emerged as the big winner, securing over a million votes and increasing from 12 to 50 mandates. Another winner was Livre, which increased its seats from one to four deputies.
The PS emerged as the major loser, not only losing the elections and the absolute majority of 2022 but recording one of its worst results in history. Rui Rocha of Iniciativa Liberal and Mariana Mortágua of the Left Bloc repeated the 2022 results with eight and five seats, respectively. Paulo Raimundo, leading the coalition of PCP with the PEV, lost two deputies, leaving four. Inês Sousa Real of the People-Animals-Nature maintained a single mandate.
The 2024 legislative elections saw significant participation, reducing abstention to 40.16%.
The elections on March 10 were called following the political crisis triggered by the resignation of the PS majority government following a judicial investigation into the installation of a data center in Sines and lithium and hydrogen business deals involving then-Prime Minister António Costa, whose official residence was searched.
António Costa declared to hold his head high and with a “clear conscience,” but argued that “the dignity of the role of Prime Minister is incompatible with any suspicion regarding one’s integrity, good conduct, and, less so, with the suspicion of committing any criminal act.”
March 10, 2024
Party Votes % Deputies
PSD/CDS-PP/PPM 1,814,021 (28.02%) 77
PS 1,812,469 (28.00%) 78
CH 1,169,836 (18.07%) 50
IL 319,685 (4.95%) 8
BE 282,314 (4.36%) 5
PCP-PEV 205,436 (3.17%) 4
L 204,676 (3.16%) 4
PAN 126,085 (1.95%) 1
ADN 102,132 (1.58%)
PPD/PSD.CDS-PP 52,992 (0.82%) 3
RIR 26,121 (0.40%)
JPP 19,133 (0.30%)
ND 16,442 (0.25%)
PCTP/MRPP 15,499 (0.24%)
VP 11,858 (0.18%)
E 6,034 (0.09%)
MPT.A 4,267 (0.07%)
PTP 2,443 (0.04%)
NC 2,396 (0.04%)
PPM 451 (0.01%)
Abstention: 40.16%
[Sources: “The Legislative Elections in Democratic Portugal (1975-2015), Ed Assembly of the Republic (coord. Marco Lisi), National Election Commission (www.cne.pt), General Secretariat of the Ministry of Internal Administration, and Agência Lusa]
